SOS CALL TO INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY

Dwarika N. Dhungel*

This time for most people of Nepal coming of New Year, was nothing except the change of yearly calendars in their respective places. Similarly, against the anticipation of many, message from the king came in the form of 'too little too late'. The seven-party alliance led agitation is gathering more momentum and getting more bloody with no symptom of where and in what form it would finally land. The king under whose direct rule for a more than one year and who is not only most isolated from the international community but also has failed, so far, to read the lines on the wall, not budged form his known stand, and seems to bent on forcefully crushing the on going political agitation in addition to taking on the CPN Maoists through his over stretched security forces. As a consequence, during the last couple of days, the country witnessed the ugly scenes of stone-throwing, firing of teargas shells and even bullet firing as well as people in most of the urban areas were forced to remain behind the four walls of their house for hours, some times even for 13 hours. But it should not be forgotten that curfew was floundered and openly challenged by the people. As a result, from all the news and TV images including the scenes of growing bloody clashes between the agitating demonstrators and the security forces, coming from different parts of the country, it is becoming more and more clear that Nepal is heading towards total collapse. This is being substantiated by the Kathmandu based US Ambassador James Moriarty through his recent face to face interview with the CNN correspondent. He has gone to the extent of saying that a helicopter might have to be kept ready for eventual messy evacuation of some people. No doubt some could leave. But what would happen to others, who are left behind, to be lynched by the mob. The net effects of all these is that 'Nepal in its modern history has never faced such difficult situation than she is facing now, not even during the 1989/90 movement for the restoration of democracy'.

From all the news or signals coming out from the different embassies in Kathmandu, it is clear that they are very much worry of possible catastrophic conditions, that are going to be very costly. Also from their utterances, which many Nepalese have been saying for some time, it is clear that the time running is running out very fast. Given the fact that the king, from the recent interviews of US Ambassador and views of the Indiana Ambassador as reported in an Indian newspaper, is still adamant and insisting his own road map; the seven political party alliance turning down the call for dialogue; their current agitation gaining support from the different quarters and momentum in different parts of the country; and the Maoists for all practical purpose controlling over the rural and semi-urban areas, Nepal's fate seems to be totally doomed. Therefore, the concern for our friends should be not who leaves the country, but avoiding the possible heavy toll and total confusion.

From all the efforts made by different sections of Nepalese society, it has become clear that none of the warring factions is willing to listen. Nor the country, so far, has found some towering personalities with the quality of statesman who could intervene successfully and bring out the country from the present mess, state of growing confusion and uncertainty. Nor there exist any civil society, whose credibility is being unchallenged by the current warring factions. Most of the vernacular newspapers are not accepting the news and views with moderation and call for dialogue nor building coalition or pressing for it.

In such a situation, one could ask whether the international community by only raising the alarm, has done the service to the people of Nepal? Or should not they make some concrete moves? They may or not have the clear view as to how they should respond. But the fact remains that they must act and respond very quickly. In this regard, let me take them back to the memory lane. In 1950 when the movement was against the Rana Oligarchy or for the restoration of multi-party democracy in 1989/90, only one country had played the role. Nepal was of no importance to most of the powerful countries of the time. But now the situation has changed. Furthermore, you never know which card a friendly country would play with whom at what time. Also, despite the fact unless separated through a major disturbance in the geological plate in which we are situated, there is a psychological mindset about this country in Nepal. But this country and her northern neighbor have to be kept on lope and informed of all the efforts made relation to solving the on going problems in Nepal. Therefore, what is required is that the countries like the US, UK, European Union, and Switzerland should play a more effective role by initiating a joint effort or through the use of the UN. While playing the role they should not forget to keep India and People's Republic of China informed of all the efforts made or going to be made.

Major players in the game, the US and India, at least at face value, still insisting on the dialogue between the king and the agitating political parties. In addition officials at the Fogy bottom and South Block must be discussing the different options including the possibility of military intervention. But given the fact none of the two actors, especially the king has not budged from his stand, the call for dialogue between the king and the political parties has become outdated. Furthermore the situation has already reached to a point that without simultaneous efforts to deal with the ongoing clash between the king and the political parties and the CPN Maoist insurgency, Nepal will not come out of the present grave situation. Therefore, two options seem to be available to the international community in dealing with Nepal's situation. One, to continue, as done by some friends, to pursue and help to further strengthen collaboration between the CPN Maoists and the political parties and allow the two attacks (one by the seven political parties and another by the CPN Maoists) become more vigorous so that it would get rid of the king. This option seems to be not acceptable to the US and would cause further damage to the lives including ethnic clash and property. The other alternative available is to get a conference, which could be called round table conference or by any name, organised to discuss all the questions in issue including the drafting of a new constitution and the right of the people to participate in its making. All the stakeholders including the CPN Maoists and the representatives of the current king' government should be invited to attend such a meeting. If the current establishment wishes to be absent, let it be. But the international community should go ahead with such a meeting, if possible under and through the auspices of UN with their participation. I do not know the modus operandi for going for such a conference, it's up to the international community to find out the ways. Given the gravity of the situation, those who have been objecting for such a move should realise that time is running out and they have to move fast so that the situation would not be similar to what happened in Somalia.

Kathmandu

April 19, 2006

This has been send to the Himalayan Ttimes for publication

King Gyanendra's New Year's Call (2063 BS): Expectations and Challenges

King Gyanendra's New Year's Call (2063 BS): Expectations and Challenges

Dwarika N. Dhungel*

Unlike the earlier years, this year ' the New year 2063 BS (April 13/14, 2006)' came in a very fluid political situation and the people of Nepal heard/read King Gyanendra's new years' speech with mixed feeling. To many the king's speech contains nothing new except the continuation of his own road map, which he has been pursuing since he directly took over the responsibility of running the administration and wants to pursue it vigorously. He has not budged from his known position except making a formal call to the political parties for a dialogue to activate the multiparty democracy on the basis of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990, which for some is in state of coma. While for others it is already dead.

The agitating seven party alliance, in return, not only turned down the King's call but also came out with a statement which say that 'they want to establish loktantra through people's movement, not through negotiations with the king'. Its leader GP Koirala, even has gone further and stated that 'he sees a clear possibility of unity between democratic and republican forces in the country'. Thus both these political actors are at loggerhead to each other. One wants to finish the other.

It may be recalled that over the last couples of days, the country has witnessed demonstrations peaceful and bloody, in almost in every part of the country including the big ones in the urban areas such as Kathmandu. These demonstrations have been going on, on the call of the seven agitating political parties with the support of the CPN Maoists, against the direct rule of the king, to force him to relinquish the absolute power and restore the democracy. The movement is getting fierce day by day. Professionals are joining the ranks of demonstrators. And, from all the news and TV images that are coming from different parts of the country, it is becoming more and more clear that Nepal was never in a difficult situation which she is facing now, not even during the 1989/90 movement for the restoration of democracy. But the current establishment seems to be bent on crushing the ongoing demonstrations through the use of force and clamping of the curfew, which was floundered and openly challenged by the people.

In these contexts, on the eve of the new years, some had expected that the King would extend the olive branch to his opponents with a view to solve the growing seriousness in the problem and save the country from being collapsed. In other words, it was expected by some that the king like his slain elder brother King Birenandra during the movement of 1989/90, would read the lines written on the wall and save the country from the current political impasse. Others who had been observing the situation keenly and reading the mindset of the current king, on the basis of all his behaviours since he directly took over the administration of the country, had not expected any magic in his new years' speech. Therefore for them, the call of the king was nothing but 'too little to be considered seriously'.

It is becoming more and more clear that of the political actors locked in the present conflict, it is the king who is the weakest and has isolated himself not only from the people but also from the international community. The closure of its consular section and the American library by the US Embassy in addition to the travel advise of not visiting Nepal by many friendly countries are some of the examples. Within the country, he is waging war against in all the fronts, against the agitating political parties, who have been able to get the support of almost all the professionals, the bodies representing them, and against the CPN Maoists who are in control of the rural areas and semi-urban areas. In such contexts, it seems almost an impossible task for the king to come out of the present situation. Thus, the challenge before him, is how to make a 'u turn', which is not impossible in politics, from a point of no return to which he seems to have arrived. The other challenges are: to contain the ever increasing protests against him and the institution of monarchy and or to control the ever-increasing political un-rests and the CPN Maoists insurgency from the over stretched security apparatus and to maintain and sustain the morale of the security personnel, to ensure the regular supply of essential services to the people in general and especially to the transport locked Kathmandu Valley. In addition, another challenge before him is how to get and start the dialogue with the political parties and deal with the CPN Maoists insurgency.

So far the political parties with the support of the CPN Maoists have been able to bring the people including the professionals to the streets against the king. Consequent to which, different slogans such as, the restoration of the democracy or putting back the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990 on track, establishment of Loktantrik system (total democratic system) and even the establishment of a republican system have been heard during the course of demonstrations. As a result, according to some observers, who have been keenly observing the developments, the leaders of the agitating political parties have to have to make clear whether they are thinking of a Loktantrik system with or without monarchy? If they are thinking of the system without monarchy, then how they are different from the CPN Maoists? In addition how they are going to solve the CPN Maoists, which they claim they would once they are in power. In other words, what is the ultimate destination and the manner through which they would make the safe landing of the present agitation, which because of the said slogans raised by the demonstrators are not clear, the leaders of the agitating political parties want to reach has to made clear. Above all what plan/s they have to make the transition, when that would happen is still not clear, smooth and less painful. There are a lot of people in the country, according to the observers said ones, especially in the valley of Kathmandu, who want to have the clear picture on all these matters. Therefore, these are the main challenges before leaders of the political parties and once they would make the picture clear, Kathmandu will rise as in the 1989/90, which would then become a sever blow to the king's rule. In other words, these are still unanswered questions and as a result, there are a number of people, especially in Kathmandu, who despite the fact that they do not have sympathy to the King nor support the brutal use of force against the demonstrators, are still standing in the fence and yet to come openly to support the movement.

The net effect of the above challenges is that the country will bleed more. People will have to wait some more time, when that would be is still not clear, for being relieved from the on going movements-- one raised by the political parties with the support of and the other being the armed and bloody movement raised by the CPN Maoists. On the whole the country's future is uncertain, getting more fluid day by day, and it is going down the hill. The country is heading towards total collapse, which might cause mass killing and possibly it may face the problem of ethnic clash as seen in some other countries.

Kathamndu,
April 15, 2006.

Note: This article has been send to the Himalayan Times for publication.

IIDEA (International Institute for Democracy and Electroal Assistance)

Nepali expert speaks at IDEA about the state of political parties in Nepal

March 2, 2006

Dr Dwarika Nath Dhungel, executive director of the Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS), a Kathmandu based think tank, spoke about the state of political parties to an audience of political researchers at IDEA’s headquarters on 2 March. IDEA and Dr Dhungel are about to publish a study on political parties in Nepal on regulatory framework and internal functioning as part of IDEA’s global research on the external regulation of political party conduct and the parties’ own internal functioning.

This study was undertaken at a time when multiparty democracy was under siege in Nepal from two forces – a Maoist insurgency on one hand and an executive-oriented monarchy on the other.

Over the past few years, Dr Dhungel has contributed to national debates on finding a peaceful solution to the decade-long Maoist insurgency in Nepal. He has provided advice on good governance issues in his country as well as on administrative and land reforms. He has also written extensively on issues related to administrative and governance reforms.

Challenges after the Ceasefire

April 11, 2006
Kathmandu

From all the news and TV images that are coming from different parts of the country, it has become clear that Nepal has never been in a more difficult situation than she is facing now, not even during the 1989/90 movement for the restoration of democracy. That time the fight was between a traditional force represented by the palace of the absolute monarchical regime and a modern force represented by political parties. Currently, a fight is going on not only between these two forces but there is also a third force, the CPN-Maoists that has been raising the bloody insurgency for the last ten years. In addition, there is an international force, in which how many are involved is already known to students of contemporary politics of Nepal.

The country is thus not only entangled in a bloody conflict but is also involved in a fight between what was expected to be the natural allies after the restoration of multi-party parliamentary system, which is to some in a state of derailment for some years. While for others it has been hijacked. But the fact remains that Nepal is now under the direct administrative rule of King Gyanendra, against which attacks are being launched from two fronts: one, agitation and strikes by the political parties with the support of the CPN-Maoists and the other, direct attacks from the CPN-Maoists. In addition the international community is putting pressure on the king to restore democracy. As a consequence, the country is finding it difficult to cope with the challenges being posed within and outside the country, especially from across the border and the international community.

In the whole game, of all the political actors, the monarchy is the most isolated and from all its behaviours, especially after February 1, 2005, it has become clear that it has failed to keep itself updated with the trends within and outside the country. Had it been successful in resolving the Maoist insurgency politically, it could have improved its image among the people. But unfortunately, from all the actions of the Royal government it is hard to believe that it was sincere in solving the problem nor developing rapprochement with the political parties that had accepted the basic postulates or principles of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990, although many consider that it had failed to capture and reflect the socio-economic mosaic of the country in its provisions. In such a context also, the royal regime is waging a war on all fronts--with the political parties, with the Maoists insurgency who for all practical purpose seem to have control over the rural and semi-urban areas but remain isolated and alienated from almost all the international community and the press and media.

Above all, no signals have been heard or have come from the responsible quarters other than the voice of the force to quell the movements raised by the seven political parties, which tacitly or otherwise have the backing of the CPN-Maoists. As a result, for the past four or five days we have been observing ugly scenes of stone-throwing, firing of teargas shells and even bullet firing as well as people in most of the urban areas are forced to remain behind the four walls of their house for hours, some times even for 13 hours. Most of the tourists who have come a long way to enjoy the beauty of the Himalayas and ever-charming and smiling faces of Nepalese people, whom are in a state of poverty and backward situation, are forced to remain confined to their hotel rooms or eager to get the first flight out of the country. Some of them have even ventured to stage dharna at one temple at Kathmandu for peace in the country.

From the day-to-day incidents we have observed during the last couple of days and the manner in which professionals, including their respective organizations and public servants have come out in support of the ongoing movement, one could ask how long the present regime would be able to sustain. But the establishment seems to be bent on crushing the ongoing events through the use of force and clamping of the curfew, which has been floundered and openly challenged by the people.

When the whole situation of the country is in a very fluid situation and the administration is overstretched, the CPN-Maoists decided to give a blow to the establishment by attacking major towns in the Tarai areas. They are, on the one hand, capitalizing on the present fluid situation by extending support to the agitating parties and on the other hand working out a strategy to take over the country after the collapse of the present set-up. They are cashing in on the present opportunity to the best possible extent, which is but natural for them because they want to destroy the present set and create a new one. From the perspective of the CPN-Maoists, they would not have the favorable opportunity like the one they have now.

The country, from whatever is happening within its various areas and the way the establishment is reacting, is moving very fast towards the total collapse, which might lead to mass killings and possibly it may face the problem of ethnic cleansing as is seen in some countries of Africa. Furthermore, the society has become so much polarized that none of the political actors or media is willing to listen to the suggestion for talk and dialogue nor to give coverage for such suggestions.

The southern neighbour of the country is never tried of playing different cards at different times to make the situation in Nepal more fluid. If other friends, instead of sending their Kathmandu-based representatives to the capital of this country, had taken concrete steps to get the political imbroglio solved, including the Maoist problem, the situation would not have gone so bad. Some of them after giving tacit support to what was happening behind the scene in a foreign capital all of a sudden decided to turn their stands when the tri-polar conflict was turning into a bi-polar conflict, which, if allowed to continue, would have allowed it to take its own course in relation to the solution of the ongoing conflicts. They are now again harping on the same tune the need for dialogue between the constitutional forces, king and political parties. But the situation has reached a point that without simultaneous efforts to deal with the ongoing clash between the king and the political parties and the CPN Maoist insurgency, Nepal will not come out of the present grave situation.

In these contexts, as to what could be done to get the problems solved has now become a million dollar question. The only thing that is becoming clear is that the country is going down the hill day-by-day. And there is going to be further bloodshed in the days to come. Therefore, like all those who do not want to see that the country further sliding down the hill must be feeling mentally blank, I am also feeling the same. Nevertheless, I want to wish that sense would prevail, which is, at present, hoping against hope, among the political forces to save the country from its total collapse. Especially, the sooner the better it would be for the country and the people of Nepal if Prachanda--the CPN Maoist Supremeo, G.P. Koirala (the leader of the seven party alliance), King Gyanendra and not to forget the other political leaders realise the gravity of the situation. If they want to take on each other with a view to finishing the other, let them go ahead. We had enough of compromise in the past. So, they could allow the present events to take their own course. The other alternative available to them, which is remote now, is to realise the importance and role of each other in getting the ongoing problems solved. But let also not forget to remind them that the people of Nepal now do not want to lose the freedom they have exercised so far, their right to decide whom they want to be the occupants of the seat of government and mechanism to make the government and public officials accountable and take them into task in between the periodic elections.

Since the present government is that of King Gyanendra and the agitation is against his rule, he should before the time finally runs out, instead of using the force to address the situation should extend the olive branches to his opponents by stopping the muzzling of the media, releasing all the political prisoners, including those who were taken in custody in the course of the recent events, declare cease-fire, agree to organise a round-table conference to discuss all the issues in question, including drafting of the new constitution through a constituent assembly, and call upon all stakeholders, including the CPN-Maoists, to attend such a round-table conference. Let me also request the international community and friends of Nepal, if they are really interested and serious to save the country from its total collapse, to take immediate step to bring the different forces having direct stake in the present crisis to a round-table conference for discussion of all the issues and help establish sustainable peace in the country.


* Dwarika N. Dhungel is a political analyst and views expressed in this article do not represent the views of the institute, Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS), a Kathmandu based think tank, where is associated.

Boston Chalphal at Harvard University

Constitutionalism and Democracy in Nepal
– A Civil Society Perspective

A talk given by :

Dr. Dwarika Nath Dhungel
Executive Director of Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS);
a Kathmandu-based think tank


Thursday 9th March 2006
7:15 – 9:00 pm

Fireside Room, Dudley House,
Harvard University

Synopsis:

Dr. Dhungel will provide the civil society's perspective on the ongoing movement, the issues on the constitution and resolution avenues. During the discussion, he may share his experiences of the administrative system of Nepal and the prospects of social science research and activism in Nepal.


Profile of Dr. Dwarika Nath Dhungel

Dr. Dhungel is the Executive Director of the Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS), a Kathmandu based think tank with the mission to contribute to the identification, analysis, understanding and response to major development policy issues facing Nepal.

Dr. Dhungel has 30 years of experience as a civil servant in Nepal. He held various high-level positions as Permanent Secretary to the Ministries of Water Resources, General Administration and Land Reforms and Management. After retiring from civil service, Dr. Dhungel continues to provide intellectual input to Good Governance Reforms, Administrative and Land reforms. He has written and edited six books and numerous articles on administrative and governance reforms, local planning and decentralization.

Dr. Dhungel was awarded the SPURS fellowship at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and holds a Ph.D. in Philosophy from Nagpur University, India. He was also a visiting scholar at Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana

Is Nepal Heading towards Total Collapse?

From all the news and TV images that are coming from different parts of the country, it has become clear that Nepal has never been in a more difficult situation than she is facing now, not even during the 1989/90 movement for the restoration of democracy. That time the fight was between a traditional force represented by the palace of the absolute monarchical regime and a modern force represented by political parties. Currently, a fight is going on not only between these two forces but there is also a third force, the CPN-Maoists that has been raising the bloody insurgency for the last ten years. In addition, there is an international force, in which how many are involved is already known to students of contemporary politics of Nepal.

The country is thus not only entangled in a bloody conflict but is also involved in a fight between what was expected to be the natural allies after the restoration of multi-party parliamentary system, which is to some in a state of derailment for some years. While for others it has been hijacked. But the fact remains that Nepal is now under the direct administrative rule of King Gyanendra, against which attacks are being launched from two fronts: one, agitation and strikes by the political parties with the support of the CPN-Maoists and the other, direct attacks from the CPN-Maoists. In addition the international community is putting pressure on the king to restore democracy. As a consequence, the country is finding it difficult to cope with the challenges being posed within and outside the country, especially from across the border and the international community.

In the whole game, of all the political actors, the monarchy is the most isolated and from all its behaviours, especially after February 1, 2005, it has become clear that it has failed to keep itself updated with the trends within and outside the country. Had it been successful in resolving the Maoist insurgency politically, it could have improved its image among the people. But unfortunately, from all the actions of the Royal government it is hard to believe that it was sincere in solving the problem nor developing rapprochement with the political parties that had accepted the basic postulates or principles of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990, although many consider that it had failed to capture and reflect the socio-economic mosaic of the country in its provisions. In such a context also, the royal regime is waging a war on all fronts--with the political parties, with the Maoists insurgency who for all practical purpose seem to have control over the rural and semi-urban areas but remain isolated and alienated from almost all the international community and the press and media.

Above all, no signals have been heard or have come from the responsible quarters other than the voice of the force to quell the movements raised by the seven political parties, which tacitly or otherwise have the backing of the CPN-Maoists. As a result, for the past four or five days we have been observing ugly scenes of stone-throwing, firing of teargas shells and even bullet firing as well as people in most of the urban areas are forced to remain behind the four walls of their house for hours, some times even for 13 hours. Most of the tourists who have come a long way to enjoy the beauty of the Himalayas and ever-charming and smiling faces of Nepalese people, whom are in a state of poverty and backward situation, are forced to remain confined to their hotel rooms or eager to get the first flight out of the country. Some of them have even ventured to stage dharna at one temple at Kathmandu for peace in the country.

From the day-to-day incidents we have observed during the last couple of days and the manner in which professionals, including their respective organizations and public servants have come out in support of the ongoing movement, one could ask how long the present regime would be able to sustain. But the establishment seems to be bent on crushing the ongoing events through the use of force and clamping of the curfew, which has been floundered and openly challenged by the people.

When the whole situation of the country is in a very fluid situation and the administration is overstretched, the CPN-Maoists decided to give a blow to the establishment by attacking major towns in the Tarai areas. They are, on the one hand, capitalizing on the present fluid situation by extending support to the agitating parties and on the other hand working out a strategy to take over the country after the collapse of the present set-up. They are cashing in on the present opportunity to the best possible extent, which is but natural for them because they want to destroy the present set and create a new one. From the perspective of the CPN-Maoists, they would not have the favorable opportunity like the one they have now.

The country, from whatever is happening within its various areas and the way the establishment is reacting, is moving very fast towards the total collapse, which might lead to mass killings and possibly it may face the problem of ethnic cleansing as is seen in some countries of Africa. Furthermore, the society has become so much polarized that none of the political actors or media is willing to listen to the suggestion for talk and dialogue nor to give coverage for such suggestions.

The southern neighbour of the country is never tried of playing different cards at different times to make the situation in Nepal more fluid. If other friends, instead of sending their Kathmandu-based representatives to the capital of this country, had taken concrete steps to get the political imbroglio solved, including the Maoist problem, the situation would not have gone so bad. Some of them after giving tacit support to what was happening behind the scene in a foreign capital all of a sudden decided to turn their stands when the tri-polar conflict was turning into a bi-polar conflict, which, if allowed to continue, would have allowed it to take its own course in relation to the solution of the ongoing conflicts. They are now again harping on the same tune the need for dialogue between the constitutional forces, king and political parties. But the situation has reached a point that without simultaneous efforts to deal with the ongoing clash between the king and the political parties and the CPN Maoist insurgency, Nepal will not come out of the present grave situation.

In these contexts, as to what could be done to get the problems solved has now become a million dollar question. The only thing that is becoming clear is that the country is going down the hill day-by-day. And there is going to be further bloodshed in the days to come. Therefore, like all those who do not want to see that the country further sliding down the hill must be feeling mentally blank, I am also feeling the same. Nevertheless, I want to wish that sense would prevail, which is, at present, hoping against hope, among the political forces to save the country from its total collapse. Especially, the sooner the better it would be for the country and the people of Nepal if Prachanda--the CPN Maoist Supremeo, G.P. Koirala (the leader of the seven party alliance), King Gyanendra and not to forget the other political leaders realise the gravity of the situation. If they want to take on each other with a view to finishing the other, let them go ahead. We had enough of compromise in the past. So, they could allow the present events to take their own course. The other alternative available to them, which is remote now, is to realise the importance and role of each other in getting the ongoing problems solved. But let also not forget to remind them that the people of Nepal now do not want to lose the freedom they have exercised so far, their right to decide whom they want to be the occupants of the seat of government and mechanism to make the government and public officials accountable and take them into task in between the periodic elections.

Since the present government is that of King Gyanendra and the agitation is against his rule, he should before the time finally runs out, instead of using the force to address the situation should extend the olive branches to his opponents by stopping the muzzling of the media, releasing all the political prisoners, including those who were taken in custody in the course of the recent events, declare cease-fire, agree to organise a round-table conference to discuss all the issues in question, including drafting of the new constitution through a constituent assembly, and call upon all stakeholders, including the CPN-Maoists, to attend such a round-table conference. Let me also request the international community and friends of Nepal, if they are really interested and serious to save the country from its total collapse, to take immediate step to bring the different forces having direct stake in the present crisis to a round-table conference for discussion of all the issues and help establish sustainable peace in the country.

Kathmandu
April 11, 2006
Dwarika N. Dhungel*

* Dwarika N. Dhungel is a political analyst and views expressed in this article do not represent the views of the institute, Institute for Integrated Development Studies (IIDS), a Kathmandu based think tank, where is associated.